J.S. Jacobsen

First Parliamentary Sketch

2007-11-03T08:53:00.000-04:00

As we hurtle into the frenzy that surrounds Gordon Brown’s first Queen’s speech, it may be instructive to step back and wonder why we, as a nation, are so dreadfully eager to hear what he will have to say. His party has been the governing party for the last ten years – so why the media storm? All our broadsheets are consumed with Brown’s plans to differentiate himself from his predecessor – and this notion, that he must appear as Blair’s opposite – remains unchallenged. One could be forgiven for assuming the two hail from different parties, from the accounts of the animosity between them. Is it no longer possible to expect two leaders from the same party to support similar policies? And if not, what has the office of Prime Minister morphed into?

In the campaign spirit, I pulled out an old VHS of Parliamentary Political Broadcasts ranging from McMillan to Blair, and watched as Prime Ministers mutated from erudite and unreachable statesmen, to demagogues whose thirst for power was equalled only by their need to be loved by the masses. One particularly overwrought montage showed nothing but vanity shots of Lady Thatcher set to triumphalist music. Watching this exercise in idol-worship, it is certainly no surprise that John Major’s government floundered, and even less surprising that the public turned to a similarly swaggering Blair, who certainly fancied himself a divinity-in-the-making.

Academics refer to this phenomenon – that of politicians individualising campaigns at the expense of the party – as the personalisation of politics. Increasingly, it appears to be more like the celebritisation of politics. Though we’re far removed from asking our leaders their preferred choice of undergarment –information too eagerly offered by an American president who was only too happy to remove them – we are still veering dangerously close to the point where personal approval matters more than the viability of economic and social policies. Yes, the media will diligently report on proposals for education reform and economic growth in Tuesday’s speech, but it will be just as focused on the sourness of Brown’s expression and the smoothness of his delivery, as if expecting a seasoned actor to enchant this national audience.

Where does the blame lie for this shift in expectations? The political party as the gatekeeper to power has ceased to function – John Major himself has decried them as “moribund, near-bankrupt, unrepresentative and ill-equipped to enthuse the electorate.” Some would argue that the arrival of mass elections is the reason why voters look for the face of Errol Flynn and statesmanship of Churchill in a government leader. Either way, expect David Cameron to continue to pose with an actual movie-star-turned-politician Arnold Schwarzenegger in his quest to be Prime Minister, or as it may yet be termed, the Minister of Prime Time.

Muslim Burial Site Story

2007-11-03T08:50:00.000-04:00

“Most religious communities are unhappy” with cramped cemetery spaces that impinge on religious burial traditions, says Sheikh Ibrahim Mogra, an imam and member of the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB). “There will be a need by Muslims for special burial areas in the new Muslim communities” in Britain, he said.

His remarks come as the debate over the re-opening of Bow Cemetery Park in Tower Hamlets heats up. Bow Cemetery has been closed to new burials since 1966. As the Muslim population continues to swell, Tower Hamlets Council has been swarmed by requests to re-open the space as a Muslim burial ground.

“The MCB has been in ongoing negotiations with the Department of Trade and Industry [now the Department for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform,” to create more spaces for Muslim burials, says Sheikh Mogra. The sheikh said more Muslims are turning to private burial grounds, like the Gardens of Peace in Ilford.

The sheikh is also concerned that cemeteries are finding new ways of increasing burial space, such as burying the dead body in an upright position. “I find that unnerving,” he said.

However, the sheikh believes a solution may be at hand. “It can be worked out,” he said.

Spitalfields Holds Policing Meeting

2007-11-03T08:49:00.000-04:00

by Jackie Jacobsen

Spitalfield residents berated the Tower Hamlets Chief Superintendent of Police for ignoring repeated requests for more street police in a meeting held Tuesday night in Hanbury Hall. “There will be a murder on Commercial Street, and I will blame the local police,” said David Donoghue, of the Spitalfield Society.

Complaints ranged from police failure to respond to 999 calls, to the repeated use of a telephone box by drug dealers in Puma Court. Residents also complained that the neighbourhood is used a public toilet by visitors to local bars. “Allowing open drinking in the street means the whole area operates as an open bar,” said Jane Curtis. “Nobody enforces the law.”

Superintendent Jerry Savill insisted that local police have made progress in the area. “We have done incrementally more than we have previously done” to curb drug offences, said Superintendent Savill.

A follow-up meeting is scheduled to take place in two months.

Launch of "The Big Draw East"

2007-11-03T08:48:00.000-04:00

Children, balloons, and paper doves took centre-stage in yesterday’s launch of “The Big Draw East” at the V&A Museum of Childhood, kicking off a national month-long celebration of creative doodling sponsored by the Campaign for Drawing. “We’re trying to encourage children to see things in a new way,” said Rev Regan O’Callaghan of neighbouring St. John’s, which also hosted sketching events.

“The Big Draw” organized 20 locations throughout London where artists promoted drawing as a booster for creativity and academic success among children. Crayons, pencils and blank drawing boards were also available at the Bishopsgate Institute and Spitalfields Market.

“It takes a lot to get him excited,” said Tim Morris, pointing to his 18-month-old son Evan. “He was very excited.”

Review: The Merchant of Venice

2007-11-03T08:47:00.000-04:00

By Jackie Jacobsen

In theory, a modern-day adaptation of Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice should benefit richly from the interaction between a Holocaust survivor and Merchant’s most unsavoury characters. As a play-within-a-play, where a 78-year old survivor of the Warsaw Ghetto observes a rehearsal of Shakespeare’s most controversial work in Venice, the production is well-placed to juxtapose medieval anti-Semitism with its horrific endpoint. Unfortunately, Julia Pascal’s production at the Arcola Theatre dulls this simmering tension by experimenting with too many artistic directions and plot enhancements.

Having the small cast perform as the house band is distracting, and the choice of ‘40s jazz ditties does much to dispel the ambience provided by the actors’ capable rendition of the drama. A lustful kiss between Antonio and his friend Bassanio is entirely gratuitous and adds nothing to the plot. The new scenes between Shylock and his beloved daughter are obviously inserted to soften his character, but feel contrived and forced.

It is worth sitting through these moments of lost direction, however, to witness the electric moment when the nameless Holocaust survivor, played by a poignant Ruth Posner, stands face-to-face with Antonio in the midst of his impassioned anti-Semitic soliloquy. It is in these moments when the play regains its heart and rewards the audience with a truly mesmerizing theatre experience.

Pharmacogenetics Op-Ed

2007-11-03T08:46:00.000-04:00

Bring up “genetic testing” at any dinner party, and talk will most likely turn to the Home Office’s attempt to create a national DNA databank. But genetic testing may well result in conflicts of a more personal nature – privacy rights within families.
Unlike individualized medical tests, genetic tests measure the susceptibility of entire families to certain illnesses, throwing privacy rights into a boil.

“If two or more people have a claim [to privacy], most of our laws are inadequate,” says Graeme Laurie, Professor of Medical Jurisprudence at the University of Edinburgh.

This is precisely why lawmakers must anticipate medical breakthroughs, to provide a framework by which to decide these disputes. Professor Laurie notes. “The problem with our privacy laws ... is that it is very much geared to the protection of individual rights.” As genetic information becomes more freely available to employers and governments, privacy rights must be legally clarified.

Advances in Genetic Testing Fraught with Privacy Issues

2007-11-03T08:42:00.000-04:00

Advances in genetic medicine can create their own side-effect – privacy disputes within families. Genetic information, that allow scientists to isolate and treat the genes that cause disease, may impinge on relatives’ right to privacy if a tested individual chooses to make his results public, says a professor of Medical Jurisprudence at the University of Edinburgh.

“Most of our privacy laws focus on protecting the individual,” says Professor Graeme Laurie. “It’s not clear what happens when these rights conflict.”

Professor Laurie explains that family members may not want sensitive genetic information, such as the presence of a cancer-causing gene, to be easily accessible.

A 2004 report released by the European Commission on the protection of genetic data suggests a way of resolving the quandary, by making a distinction between the rights of the individual patient while acknowledging that relations should have an interest in, but not control over, protecting genetic data.

New mission

2007-09-24T15:44:00.000-04:00

I will be using this blog to be posting my journalism-related thoughts and observations, as well as my (published and unpublished) assignments from City, as well as other assignments I might come upon. Thanks for reading!

Laptop Prices and New Gadgets

2006-12-08T11:12:00.000-05:00

by Jaclyn Jacobsen
Debonair Magazine

Few items tickle the hearts of New Yorkers like a brand new laptop or a top-of-the-line gadget. But are current laptop prices justified? It is every consumer’s dream that the longer technology is on the market, the lower the amount they will pay less money for that shimmering Dell or Compaq they’ve had their eye on. However, despite certain chains, namely Wal-Mart and Best Buy, that have radically slashed laptop prices to meet the Christmas rush, most portable computers will cost upwards of $700.

Laptop prices have sparked a concern over the growing ‘digital divide,’ present in New York City and throughout the country. According to the National Telecom and Information Administration, “The ‘digital divide’ (the disparities in access to telephones, personal computers (PCs), and the Internet across certain demographic groups) still exists, and in many cases, has widened significantly. The gap for computer and Internet access has generally grown larger by categories of education, income, and race.”

A study released by the Department of Education found that, while two-thirds of white children had access to the Internet at home and used it regularly, only 44% of Hispanics and 47% of blacks currently use the Internet. Only 26% of Hispanic students, and 27% of black youth, use the Internet at home, a figure related to the availability of computing technology within schools and residences.

New programs, such as “One to One in Ten” (One Laptop for Every Child in School Region Ten) are hoping to bridge this technological divide. Other programs, such as the One Laptop Per Child program, seeks to create a $100 laptop, available to children in the developing world. But even these programs can cost upwards of a million dollars (the current pilot program for “One to One in Ten” costs $1.3 million), and is not immediately available for all school districts within the city. So why are laptops still an unattainable commodity for many potential consumers?

“I think they haven't dropped because laptops aren't as easily customizable as desktop PC's, and therefore don't have a demand for cheap and affordable parts,” explains IT professional Kris Meyers. Web designer Christina Hope agrees. “They [laptops] are [too expensive], depending upon what type you get,” she said. “But I also don’t know how much it costs to produce the technology.”

Another professional web developer, who requested anonymity, narrowed that statement. “Yes, they are [too expensive]. Apple laptops are overpriced because their parts are proprietary.”

Essentially, proprietary parts are the components of a computer that cannot be duplicated by competing companies for cheaper prices. While Apple computers were the vanguards in the use of proprietary parts, other computer manufacturers like Dell and Compaq have increasingly adopted proprietary designs.

Still, others do not believe laptops are prohibitively pricey. Chris Cavallari, Executive Producer of Filmosity Productions, believes laptop prices are just about right. “They’ve pretty much hovered around the same prices for years,” he said. “Prices might be slightly inflated, but considering manufacturers are getting more into a smaller package, I think prices are about right.”

Industry analysts believe advances in cellular phone technology, such as the ability to import music, take pictures, and store increasing amounts of memory, may threaten the predominance of laptop computers in the near future. New products, like Sidekick phones, Sony Mylos, or Palm Treos, have consolidated their sizes while offering email, messaging services, and significant storage space, which could potentially decrease the demand for portable laptops.

The Sidekick phone, distributed by T-Mobile, is quickly growing in popularity throughout the university population. Measuring 5.1 x 2.6 x 0.9 inches, this compact phone comes complete with a full QWERTY keyboard, AOL Messenger, speakerphone, a color screen, web browser, and 6 MB of email storage space. Sidekick phones are usually available for $49.99, without a service plan.

Following the success of Sidekick phones, Sony has unveiled a competitor product – the Mylo (My Life Online). In addition to offering the same features as a T-Mobile Sidekick phone, the Sony Mylo stores music, takes video, and has a slide-out QWERTY keyboard. In addition, Mylos have the capacity to both take, and edit, digital photographs. Mylo hopes to entice new consumers by promising no monthly service fees, as Mylos are compatible with wi-fi networks. Mylos are available for $350.

Finally, the Palm Treo 600 and 700 series Smartphone has essentially the same features as the Mylo, but does not have a separate slide-out QWERTY keyboard. The Palm Treo is shaped like the Blackberry, ubiquitous in all urban areas, with a smaller, more condensed keyboard than its competitors. The Treo also features an Intel processor and Bluetooth technology – enabling all Treo owners to be directly connected to each other. Palm Treos start at $199, while the color-customized 680 is available for $399, not including service plans.

The Economist, among other media, has been increasingly optimistic about the potential of cell phones and their capacity to replace current laptop technologies. Citing the use of cell phones to stimulate business development in Africa, the newspaper believes that the evolution of mobile technology can result in tiny machines executing the many functions carried out by laptops today.

Others aren’t so sure. Hope does not believe these gadgets could become a real replacement for current laptops. “It’s also nice to have a large screen and to have multiple applications,” she said. “Sidekicks are good for games and quick emails and IM,” but for more specialized programs, they are not sufficient.

Cavallari explains, “SmartPhones … are meant to complement desktops and laptops, not replace them. For example, a Blackberry is a super portable pocket computer, but its limited functionality really doesn’t suit it to the larger functions of laptops and desktops.”

Therefore, consumers are still better off with a sturdy laptop, although these accessories can also serve as fun gifts for any holiday.

Montreal: Vibrant City, Cold Temps

2006-10-07T19:25:00.000-04:00

by Jackie Jacobsen
for Debonaire Magazine

Montreal in late autumn may not be on the “must see” list of most tour books, which extol the city’s summertime festival culture and pulsating nightlife on every day of the week. In October, the famed outdoor cafes have begun to recede from the sidewalks, and the temperatures prepare for the winter season as they plunge sharply at nightfall.

But for those looking for the true Montrealers’ art de vivre, autumn is a prime occasion. The throngs of tourists have returned to their southern homes, and Quebeckers once again reclaim the streets as they return from their summer holidays. The crisp fall air, a welcome reprieve from the stifling humidity of the Montreal summer, propels the crowds to horde the city streets, eager to enjoy the last of the good weather.

The spirit of Montreal, however, continues going strong well into the autumn months. Bars and clubs remain crowded even at the lowest of temperatures, while the city’s restaurateurs and jazz enthusiasts remain active despite the cold weather. Centuries of weathering extreme temperatures have left Montrealers with a hardiness, and a clear determination to enjoy the fruits of their city, that amaze visitors.

WHERE TO STAY For a real taste of Canadian luxury, the Fairmont Queen Elizabeth (900 Rene Levesque Blvd. W.; 514-861-3511; http://www.fairmont.com/queenelizabeth) is the epitome of Montreal style. Situated at the very heart of downtown, it has direct connections to Rue McGill and the famed “underground city” shopping complex. Rooms start at $279 (CAD) and include access to three restaurants, ranging from casual to haute couture dining.

For the more frugal traveler, there is any number of familiar chains from which to choose. The Marriott Residence Inn, on Rue Peel, provides the best value for your money, as suites are expansive and come equipped with kitchenettes (2045 Peel Street; 514-982-6064; www.residenceinn-mtl.com). Offering free wiresless high-speed Internet access and a free “hot and cold” breakfast buffet, the Residence Inn is a favorite hotel of most travelers. Four Points Sheraton (475 Sherbrooke Street West; 514-842-3961) and the Delta Montreal Hotel (475 President Kennedy Avenue; 514-286-1986; www.deltamontreal.com) are also located downtown and occasionally have discounted fares.

WHERE TO EAT Montreal has nearly 3,000 restaurants, an astounding figure considering its small population (1.5 million). Nearly every ethnic group is represented among this sea of gastronomic luxury. Here are some hidden gems:

Zen Ya Hidden in an office building on St. Catherine’s Street (486 St. Catherine’s Street, 2^nd Floor; 514-904-1363), few newcomers are lucky enough to discover the rich Eastern aura and sumptuous fare of this Japanese restaurant. Sushi options are plentiful, while a selection for the non-sushi enthusiasts is diverse.

Café El Dorado Located in “The Plateau,” a Montreal neighborhood claimed by students, artists, and musicians, El Dorado exudes a laid-back charm to accompany its homestyle menu, filled with comfort food choices and local Quebec staples, including the infamous poutine (fries with gravy and cheese curds). Come for breakfast, which is served until 3 pm. (921 rue Mont-Royal Est; 514-598-8282; www.cafeeldorado.ca)

BYOW Brasseries For a real taste of Quebec cuisine, brasseries like Alexandre (1454 Peel Street; 514-288-5105), Au Vieux Duluth (351 Duluth Est; 514-842-5390, www.auvieuxduluth.ca), and L’Academie (4051 rue St. Denis; 514-849-2249)are excellent choices. Each offers an array of brochette dishes – overloaded plates of rice, meat, gravy and the ever-present cheese curds. “BYOW” refers to “Bring Your Own Wine,” so remember to pick up a bottle at the SAQ (government-operated located stores, located on nearly every corner) or the local dépanneur.

MUST SEE

The Magic of Lanterns Every September and October, the Montreal Botanical Garden creates a lantern show in its Chinese Garden. Using hand-crafted artworks that are lit every night, the Botanical Garden celebrates a centuries-old Chinese tradition while illuminating the Quebec darkness. The Park is open until 9 pm, and entrance fees range from $6 to $13. (http://www2.ville.montreal.qc.ca/jardin/en/menu.htm)

WHAT TO DO AT NIGHT

Jazz Bars The jazz scene continues long after the end of the famous International Jazz Fest, in two landmark locations. Le Maison de Jazz, originally Biddle’s, sports a 1920s- décor, with overly ornate glass chandeliers and deep red plush mahogany chairs reminisce of Prohibition-era speakeasies. Many of Montreal’s most famous jazz musicians, including Oscar Peterson and Michelle Sweeney, have been known to perform here regularly. Cover charge during showtime is $5, while food and drink are available for a moderate price. (2060 Aylmer; 514-842-8656, www.houseofjazz.ca)

Upstairs For a more demure jazz evening, head to Upstairs (located downstairs) just off of Crescent Street (1254 MacKay; 514-931-6808; www.upstairsjazz.com). Upstairs offers a much more intimate evening, with fewer tables and close proximity to the jazz performers. Dinners cost around $10, and drinks are inexpensive. Be sure to catch Dawn Taylor Watson and Kevin Dean.

Crescent Street/St. Laurent Bars and Clubs Montreal sports two major hubs of nighttime haunts, to fit nearly all preferences. On Crescent, between Sherbrooke and Rene-Levesque, establishments run the gamut, and cater to students (Sir Winnie’s and Mad Hatter) to genteel sophisticates (Newtown and Pino) to Celtic paradise (Hurley’s and Brutopia). St. Laurent, known as “The Main” that separates English Montreal from French Montreal, offers dozens of nightlife choices. The best bars are the Go Go Bar, with its celebrated martini varieties; Laika, an industrial space converted into urban chic; and Rouge, a 2-floor club for the over-25 club.

WHERE TO SHOP

As the sister city of Paris, it’s no wonder Montreal is an oasis of high-line designers and fashion boutiques. Walking on east on St. Cat’s from Avenue du Parc, there are five department stores through which to peruse – Les Ailes de la Mode (Wings of Fashion), La Baie (Hudson Bay Company), Simon’s, Ogilvie’s, and Holt Renfrew. For those seeking discounts, La Baie and Les Ailes offer the best selection. Simon’s is quickly becoming the centre for affordable Montreal fashion, while Ogilvie’s and Holt Renfrew cater to very rich clientele. Specialty boutiques are found throughout the length of St. Cat’s – Guess and Mexx both have stores here, alongside more local gems like Jacob’s, Le Garage, and Parasuco.

FREE ATTRACTIONS

Old Part/Vieux Montreal Head to the river to Jacques Cartier Square to enjoy a vision of Old Montreal, with its cobbled streets and great riverfront views. Bicycles and skates are still available to rent, while restaurants flank both sides of the square.

Mont Royal Park Designed by Frederick Law Olmstead, whose other landscape work includes Central Park, Mont Royal offers unbelievable views of the city, as well as an opportunity to become acquainted with Quebec’s natural side. Head to the chalet to take incredible pictures, and also walk around the Croix sur le Mont (Cross on the Mountain) that is visible from nearly every point in Montreal.

Cathedrals Mark Twain once said, “You can’t throw a rock in Montreal without hitting stained glass.” Ornate churches are prolific throughout downtown, and are worth a look. Mary, Queen of the World, is an exact one-quarter replica of St. Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican, while Christ Church Cathedral, on St. Catherine’s and Parc, offers a more modern spiritual experience. St. James United Church on St. Catherine’s, has recently removed the commercial storefronts blocking its front entrance, exposing its decorative entranceway

HOW TO GET THERE

From New York, a car trip to Montreal takes around 6 hours, not counting time spent at customs. Daily trains are available from Amtrak, but these usually take 10-12 hours to arrive. Flights to Montreal are only 45 minutes long. Air Canada and Delta Airlines run shuttles (read: 12-seaters) from NY to Montreal airports (ranging from $150 and above for one-way flights). WestJet, a Canadian discount airline, will soon be providing flights from JFK to Trudeau airport in Montreal, costing less than $200 round trip.

HOW TO GET AROUND

Montreal is a pedestrian city, with the bulk of its downtown attractions within a five-mile radius. When traveling to the outer edges of the city, the metro system is easily accessible throughout downtown. Consisting of just four lines, it is nearly impossible to get lost. Taxis are also plentiful throughout town.

The Key to Eradicating Poverty in Developing States

2006-10-03T11:18:00.000-04:00

Extreme poverty continues to blight vulnerable countries in the global South, as an estimated 500 million people suffer from extreme hunger. Nearly 15 million children die of hunger each year, as states struggle to provide the adequate resources for their citizens. However, by devoting a greater percentage of GDP towards the provision of social services, development specialists maintain that extreme hunger can be lessened significantly.

Botswana serves as a vanguard in this approach. Although 30% Botswanans lives on less than $1 a day, and nearly 25% of the population is afflicted with HIV, Botswana became the first African country in which the state provided anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). This national treatment plan began in 2002 by providing ARVs to just a few patients. In 2005, this program now successfully provides medication for nearly 85% of those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

Sri Lanka has also increased its spending on public health measures. While Sri Lanka’s GDP ranks 98^th in the global economy, it has still devoted significant public resources to financing a functioning health care system, accessible by all citizens. Sri Lanka now has only 60 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births, placing it in the upper third of all nations.

However, the majority of developing nations have not focused their resources on strengthening the public sector and social services for their citizens. Faced with escalating conflicts and power-hungry faction leaders, a projected $22 billion will be spent on the acquisition of arms throughout Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Sub-Saharan Africa witnessed a surge of 47% in arms purchases in the late 1990s alone.

Many development advocates and specialists also look to the International Monetary Fund as the prime cause behind the inability of vulnerable states to extend the provision of social services. A critical component of receiving IMF loans is the willingness to implement extensive economic liberalization, or “structural adjustment programs” (SAPs), freeing enterprise and economic activity from government control. States receiving financial assistance are mandated to scale back their social expenditures, and sectors such as health care and education deteriorate.

One country which has keenly perceived the destabilizing effects of these reforms is Zambia. “It is this paralysis in being fixed within one paradigm, which is responsible for the implementation of pernicious economic policies that not only hurt the poorest of our people, but challenge the social contract between the state and the citizens, that is, to provide them with security and social welfare,” said Dr. Neo Simutanyi of the University of Zambia. He decries the IMF as unable to perceive any other functional economic system by which to achieve development goals, and blames the rapid privatization of public services for the rapid decline in the Zambian standard of living.

The factors that have led states to diminish their social provisions has led to a greater degree of food insecurity as well. According to Oxfam, “The UN estimates that 16 million people are at immediate risk in ten neglected and under-funded emergencies in Africa.” Nearly 33% of Sub-Saharan Africa’s population suffers from malnourishment. Subsistence farming and the failure of states to implement nation-wide irrigation schemes has contributed to this crisis. As independent farmers in more remote areas are eclipsed by growing agribusinesses in more commercial regions, food availability becomes a major concern for village inhabitants.

Also contributing to food insecurity is the rampant spread of the HIV/AIDS epidemic which continues to rage throughout the African continent. As young workers fall prey to this ferocious ailment, fewer workers are available to complete the necessary farm work, thus significantly decreasing the amount of food grown and collected in a given region. Botswana’s ARV program, in addition to providing the much-needed treatment for those afflicted with AIDS, also ensures the availability of more workers as the quality of AIDS patients lives improve. Botswana demonstrates how greater investment in social services is essential to preventing famine in developing nations.

Global Village Council Initiates Bottom-Up Approach to Development

2006-10-02T12:03:00.000-04:00

Great strides have been made in the rising awareness of the need for aid in the least developed states over the past year. The enormous success of the Live 8 concert, which pressured G-8 leaders at the Gleneagles conference to embrace debt cancellation, has led to a new round in IMF negotiations for similarly afflicted debtor states. Foreign aid has also reached new levels, marking a significant change in global attitudes in assisting struggling states.

While aid has enabled nations to finance much-needed public programs, such as education and health care, global advocates warn that a dangerous divide is being solidified – that between rural and urban. “We are deeply concerned that foreign aid contributions by over 20 rich countries and other development agencies, including the World Bank, private and corporate funders are not reaching desperate villages,” said Goodluck Diigbo, Executive Director of the Foundation of the Global Village Congress. “The failure stems in large part from a misconception that the main poverty problem has moved from the countryside to the burgeoning megacities of the developing world,” said Fawzi Hamad Al-Sultan, President of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).

The global rural population constitutes the overwhelming majority of those suffering from extreme poverty and hunger. IFAD estimates, in its Rural Poverty Report, that nearly 75% of those suffering from malnutrition and ill health, the clearest indicators of extreme poverty, reside in rural communities. These 900 million individuals must rely on agriculture for subsistence, which is rarely sufficient to meet basic needs because of the soil quality and the limited plot sizes. Yet, least developed countries, which contain 86% of the poorest individuals, are currently only receiving 63% of the foreign aid dispensed by wealthier nations.

The Global Village Congress, founded this year by Mr. Diigbo, hopes to reverse the trend of increasing urban funding at the expense of the poor. Working in conjunction with the Partnership for Indigenous Peoples Environment, the GVC is working to reinstate a bottom-up development model, where the needs of small villages are met on a case-by-case basis. “[GVC] has the power to make the task of rural transformation a shared responsibility between the government and local peoples,” said Ronald H. Field, Chair of the United States National Inter-Faith Coalition of the Ageing. By attracting more donors to local village needs, and enabling villagers to take a more active approach in determining how the funds are utilized, GVC is confident that rural economic sustainability can be achieved. Mr. Diigbo has initiated the creation of a Dataset Development Mechanism Bank, which integrates data collected from villagers regarding which development projects would be most beneficial to the region.

By directly involving the villagers in this new development model, Mr. Diigbo hopes to meet a greater degree of success than more traditional, top-down approaches. Empowering locals to determine their own economic paths enables individuals to rely less on the government and more on their neighbors. Also, by “owning” these particular projects, villagers are more likely to want these projects to succeed. GVC also encourages individual villages to work in conjunction with other villages, in an effort to encourage cooperation and peace. The UN recently heralded this organization at its headquarters on September 28, to coincide with the celebration of GVC’s declaration of “World Village Day.”

The success of rural regions is a critical component of overall economic growth. World Bank statistics clearly indicate that development in non-agricultural sectors, such as industry and construction, sustained a substantial boost when agricultural markets performed well. As a result of this increase, employment figures rose while poverty levels fell. The growth in farmers’ income will also rejuvenate the economy, which will further propel developing economies. Also, the additional availability of food insulates rural societies from the shock associated with unpredictable weather changes and natural disasters.

Oil Profits a New Way to Save LDCs

2006-09-10T09:58:00.000-04:00

by Jackie Jacobsen
for MediaGlobal

In the ongoing search for necessary aid to the world's LDCs, UN officials are optimistic that they have discovered a new source for development funds. As the price of oil continues to escalate to previously unseen levels, Anwarul Karim Chowdhury, the UN under-secretary-general for LDCs has suggested that oil companies contribute a small proportion of their profits to assist vulnerable states.

Chowdhury suggests oil companies donate 10 cents a barrel to forward to a development fund for these states. Currently, the average price of a barrel is $72, tripling in price since 2001. "This is a part of our efforts to secure new sources of development finance for LDCs," he said. "We need an expressed willingness on the part of producers and companies directly involved in oil production."

As oil prices have soared, critics have become more vocal about the severity of the global wealth disparity between oil-producing states and states with no petroleum reserves. It is estimated that Middle Eastern states will have exported nearly $400 bn in oil by the end of 2006, up from $307 bn in 2005. Because oil is the fuel of choice for 96% of all transportation and production technologies in the world, oil-producing nations can expect their economies to be buoyed by petroleum for many years to come.

In stark contrast, the potential for economic growth is significantly less promising for those developing states without oil reserves. According to UNDP statistics, the poorest 20% of the world's population only maintained a share of 1.2% of the global income in 1998. Roughly 50% of the global population now survives with less than $2 a day. In Zambia, nearly 67% of the population lives under this internationally recognized poverty line. "Extreme poverty appears to be decreasing in very few of the LDCs, and increasing in many," said UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.

The plan for lessening this looming disparity comes at a period when oil profits have exceeded all forecasts, and their share in global wealth generation has swelled. "This [contribution from oil companies] will help raise a special fund without affecting any other earmarked funding," said Arjun Karki, president of Nepal-based NGO LDC Watch. Karki emphasizes, though, that alternative sources for LDC funding should also be pursued.

This UN directive comes at a time when popular opinion has swung decisively against big oil companies. With leaping prices for automobile petrol and heat pinching the wallets of the developed world, and the increasingly outlandish bonuses received by oil company CEOs, individuals are calling for a change in oil distribution policies. ExxonMobil alone recorded $5.18 bn in profits for this year, up 65% from last year's figures. According to the Christian Science Monitor, 63% of Americans held oil companies to be solely responsible for the rise in gas prices.

A backlash against these wide profit margins is only natural, maintains critics. "It's not demonizing profit," said Tyson Slocum, an energy policy analyst at the consumer group Public Citizen. "It's talking about what level of profit is reasonable in a special commodity." Because so few states actually reap the benefit from surges in oil prices, and so many depend on petroleum in order to maintain economic productivity, it is only just to earmark a small percentage to enable LDCs to provide vital and basic services for their citizens.

Directors on the Executive board of the IMF, in a seminar on oil market developments, “agreed that the response by importing countries to higher oil prices will continue to require some combination of increased foreign borrowing, reserve drawdown, and adjustment, including allowing of real exchange rate depreciation.” The International Energy Agency estimates that a rise in petroleum prices has minimal effects on developed economies, but that the most vulnerable economies stand to lose 1.6% of their GDP, while the most heavily indebted sub-Saharan states may lose up to 3% of their GDP. Overall, with every $10 increase in oil prices, the world economy loses an equivalent of $255 bn.

Chowdhury maintains that there is a precedent for providing these resources so that developing states can withstand an increase in oil rates. The Common Fund for Commodities was established in 1982 by OPEC states, and is committed to enabling energy-dependent LDCs on diversifying their products and energy sources. However, the scope of the CFC's mission is too narrow to meet the growing needs of vulnerable states, and a new system of dispensing a percentage of oil profits is needed to further close the gap in global income disparity.

2006-09-07T10:05:00.000-04:00

Taylor Maintained Power through Western Assistance

2006-08-06T09:23:00.000-04:00

by Jaclyn Jacobsen
for Africa Policy Watch

The election of Ellen SIrleaf-Johnson as President of Liberia has finally ended the official political power of Liberia's former ruthless dictator, Charles Taylor. With the support of the UN and other international agencies, as well as significant aid from Western countries, it appears that democracy has triumphed over two decades of inter-gang warfare and authoritarianism, in which 150,000 were killed and more than a million were displaced.

However, Charles Taylor, now indicted as a war criminal in the newly created Special Court for Sierra Leone, continues to wield considerable power behind the scenes. Although mandated by the UN to cease all contact to government ministers and key industry leaders, Taylor remains a potent force behind many transactions in West Africa, and is thought to be responsible for the attempted assassination of Guinean President Lansagna Conte in mid-January 2005. Policy analysts agree that Taylor represents a seriously destabilizing presence in western Africa, as Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Cote d'Ivoire struggle to retain control over their territories.

While Western nations have been among the strongest advocates in calling Taylor to stand trial for war crimes, their complicity enabled Taylor's gang-land regime to subside and flourish in Liberia for years, while allowing Taylor to personally finance a range of brutalities that would erupt in neighboring Sierra Leone. "Conflict diamonds" from Sierra Leone and Liberia made their way largely unobstructed in the ports of the European Union and the United States, revenues from which would finance the rape and murder of thousands of Africans.

"Conflict diamonds" are thus named because of their critical role in financing guerrilla tactics and enabling rebel groups, such as those answering to Taylor, to receive arsenals of arms and other military materiel. Usually obtained outside legal channels, and therefore far from the reach of any government oversight, conflict diamonds are smuggled onto ships and dispersed throughout the world. These gems are secondary- source stones, in that they are not extracted like higher-quality jewels. Often, such stones are found among river beds and banks. Due to their availability, it is difficult for authorities to adequately track the locations of these stones, which makes it considerably easier for illegal diamond traders to create false documentation and sell their gems abroad. According to the US State Department, 10 to 15 percent of diamonds sold internationally are illegal conflict diamonds.

Taylor engaged extensively in this illegal diamond trading to provide the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) of Sierra Leone with weapons, logistical support, and shelter from Sierra Leonean authorities. Aware of Sierra Leone's vast diamond deposits, Taylor negotiated a deal with his good friend Foday Sankoh, head of the RUF, in which arms would be provided in return for diamonds. The RUF then used these arms to terrroize Sierra Leone, killing and brutishly maiming thousands, which included children. To illustrate the scope of these exchanges, Liberia exported $300 million worth of diamonds in 1999 alone. It must be noted that these diamonds were purchased without reservation from both diamond traders and consumers throughout the world. Belgian dealers are particularly noted for conducting diamond transactions in safehouses in Liberia, under the auspices and protection of Charles Taylor.

While Liberian government agencies assert their non-compliance with Taylor's underhanded tactics, the Liberian International Ship and Corporate Register, the second-largest shipping registry in the world with 1600 registered ships, personally accepted directions from Taylor to divert nearly $1 million to the coffers of arms dealers in Sierra Leone, and facilitated trades between the RUF and Al-Qaeda before September 11. The UN would not impose sanctions on Liberian diamonds until 2001, well after the start of armed conflict in the region. The World Diamond Congress, a blanket organization of diamond extractors, buyers, and traders, voted to impose severe restrictions on conflict diamonds in 2000

Taylor did not limit his illegal trading to diamonds. Timber, rubber, and gold reserves were similarly exploited to fund his armies of child warriors and RUF thugs. Taylor has devastated vast swathes of forest, on which the rural population depends for income, to propel further exchanges with the RUF, while no rubber and gold resources in Liberia have remained untouched by Taylor's heavy hand. The UN would not impose restrictions on Liberian lumber, despite its blatant connection to fueling armed conflict in Sierra Leone, until 2003.

Political leaders in the West have also had some degree of collaboration with the former dictator. Pat Robertson, a noted televangelist, has strong links with Taylor, as Taylor owned 10% of Richardson's Freedom Gold company. When asked to comment, the vice president of Freedom Gold Joseph Matthews responded, "Dr. Robertson remains a friend of Liberia and is working to alleviate the suffering of the Liberian people." (Washington Post).

Far more damning is the involvement of U.S. civil rights leader Jesse Jackson with the notorious leader. Working as a special envoy for the Clinton administration, it was largely Jackson's insistence that Taylor be personally contacted by Clinton, who heretofore had distanced himself due to Taylor's notorious war activities. Jackson would maintain close contact with Taylor, even visiting him several times. According to a April 29, 1998 memo from the U.S. Embassy in Monrovia: "During his 24 hours in Liberia, the Rev. Jackson met several times privately with President Taylor and appeared to establish a strong personal bond with him. After Jesse Jackson's visit, President Taylor went out of his way to stress that Liberia is America's best friend in Africa, and that it was time to improve the bilateral relationship - a 180-degree change in direction" of Taylor's stance.

In an effort to encourage reconciliation within the warring groups of Liberia, Jackson would host a conference at his PUSH headquarters in Chicago, where he immediately curtailed any criticism of Charles Taylor or his tactics. Jackson insisted that those who opposed Taylor's policies leave the room, and discouraged participants from posting any information on Taylor's war atrocities on the Internet. Harry A. Greaves, an opponent of Taylor and founder of the Liberia Action party, called the conference "a PR exercise by Charles Taylor."

Jackson would continue to shield Taylor from diplomatic isolation despite his brutal attacks on opponents and open disregard for international law. He even went so far as to extend his diplomacy to Taylor's friend Sankoh, who was in the midst of liquidating any obstacles in their quest to dominate Sierra Leone. After Sankoh had captured Sierra Leone's diamond mines, Jackson forced a meeting between the legitimate leader, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, and Sankoh, in Togo, where he forced the elected ruler to sign a cease-fire with the bloody warlord, and ensured Sankoh's control over the lucrative mines and access to Taylor's arms arsenal.

Perhaps Jackson's most egregious gaffe occurred in mid-May 2000, as Sankoh's RUF murdered several UN peacekeepers, taking 500 more hostage. In the midst of negotiating an end to the hostage crisis, Jackson went so far as to compare the warlord Sankoh with Nelson Mandela. Immediate warnings were sent to Jackson by irate Africans, who threatened to assault him should he descend from the plane. After Jackson publicly commended Taylor for his role in securing the safety of the hostages, whose capture he had orchestrated, he was fired as special counsel to President Clinton.(Kenneth R. Timmerman).

Although slow to respond to the ravages in west Africa, the international community has made an effort to contain the violence. Following the 2001 and 2003 sanctions on Liberian diamonds and timber, and the World Diamond Congress' restriction on importing conflict diamonds, the Kimberley Process has also sought to address the conflict diamond issue. In November 2002, NGOs and the international diamond industry met in Kimberley, South Africa to create the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, and introduced measures to regulate the previously unregulated rough diamond trade. These new procedures are designed to ensure that gang leaders and illegitimate dictators will not be the beneficiaries of any profits received from these rough diamonds.

Now that Taylor is awaiting trial for war crimes at the Special Court, analysts hope that conflict exports will no longer be used for arms purchases. However, statistics claim otherwise. According to Global Witness, an international watchdog group, between US $75,000 and $100,000 are made each month from Liberia's timber industry; in diamonds, profits are estimated at $350,000 a month. Democratization is slow, and renegade rebels still have a significant foothold in these lucrative industries. In addition, the DDRR (Disarmament, Demobilization, Reconciliation, and Reintegration) programme has not been able to adequately provide the numbers of former soldiers with stable employment, thus encouraging yet another wave of illicit global trading. Continuing conflict in Cote d'Ivoire, as well as the precarious stability of other neighboring states, impels the current leaders of Liberia to retain control of these natural resource reserves, and prevent the rise of another warlord or gang. Talk of repealing the sanctions is therefore too soon. "Lifting timber and diamond sanctions now would make matters significantly worse, opening up the region to a flood of illegal Liberian diamond and timber exports exported by armed ex-fighters that could ignite a regional war," says Natalie Ashworth of Global Witness.

Development Policy Must Recognize AIDS Effects

2006-08-01T09:13:00.000-04:00

By Jackie Jacobsen

Vulnerable countries were heartened recently by the Midterm Comprehensive Review, released by the Secretary-General on July 21, which hailed these nations for their economic progress and continued commitment to accomplishing the Millennium Development Goals. Aided by the assistance of the Brussels Programme, this group of 50 least developed nations has now increased their economic growth by 7%. The Brussels Programme serves as a framework by which vulnerable countries seek to incorporate the MDGs into their national platforms. Most encouraging are growth rate of exports, which in 2005 increased by 25.9%, up from 0.2% in 2001, enabled by the rise in commodity prices. Overall, vulnerable countries have experienced higher economic growth than most developing countries.

Economic growth rates were not the only developments hailed by this UN report. Observers have noted the tendency of vulnerable nations to adopt more effective macroeconomic policies, such as privatizing larger sections of their economies and liberalizing their markets to better compete in global trade. More caution has also been applied to the accumulation of national deficits, which in turn has kept inflation from stagnating economic growth. These improvements are critical steps in creating a better standard of living for the nearly 700 million people who currently live in the least developed countries.

There remain, however, considerable challenges to effectively reducing the number of individuals living in absolute poverty in these areas. Although nearly 35 LDCs have submitted at least one Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper to the IMF and World Bank, implementing adequate policy measures to achieve this goal have been more difficult.
\nIt is now thought unlikely that LDCs will meet the MDG timeline in halving their poverty rates by 2015. While vulnerable nations have made strides in strengthening their economies and fortifying their governance, the shadow of the AIDS virus continues to jeopardize development. When whole societies are ravaged by this disease, economic prosperity and governmental stability are thus endangered. Now, global leaders are encouraged to tackle the AIDS epidemic, while working to curtail its spillover effects onto other policy areas. Recognizing that attaining the Millennium Development Goals cannot occur without understanding the full impact of the AIDS epidemic, policy makers now concede that development cannot occur independently of AIDS programs. This new policy of "mainstreaming AIDS" underscores the willingness of leaders to acknowledge the confluence of the AIDS epidemic and faltering development policies.

Mainstreaming occurs in both internal and external spheres. Government agencies and bureaus are encouraged to stem the spread of the virus within their own offices, while incorporating this message into their external work in neighboring communities and towns. In this way, government disruption will be less likely to occur, and its ability to deliver services will remain uninterrupted. The UN suggests that focus groups and task teams also be extensively utilized, so that progress on this front can be closely monitored by all parties. Currently, most PRSPs do not cumulate the correlation between poverty and AIDS infection rates. Incredibly, few connections are made to dwindling production capacities or the high percentage of unskilled workers entering the economy." It is now thought unlikely that LDCs will meet the MDG timeline in halving their poverty rates by 2015.

While vulnerable nations have made strides in strengthening their economies and fortifying their governance, the shadow of the AIDS virus continues to jeopardize development. When whole societies are ravaged by this disease, economic prosperity and governmental stability are thus endangered. Now, global leaders are encouraged to tackle the AIDS epidemic, while working to curtail its spillover effects onto other policy areas. Recognizing that attaining the Millennium Development Goals cannot occur without understanding the full impact of the AIDS epidemic, policy makers now concede that development cannot occur independently of AIDS programs.

This new policy of "mainstreaming AIDS" underscores the willingness of leaders to acknowledge the confluence of the AIDS epidemic and faltering development policies. Mainstreaming occurs in both internal and external spheres. Government agencies and bureaus are encouraged to stem the spread of the virus within their own offices, while incorporating this message into their external work in neighboring communities and towns. In this way, government disruption will be less likely to occur, and its ability to deliver services will remain uninterrupted. The UN suggests that focus groups and task teams also be extensively utilized, so that progress on this front can be closely monitored by all parties.

Currently, most PRSPs do not cumulate the correlation between poverty and AIDS infection rates. Incredibly, few connections are made to dwindling production capacities or the high percentage of unskilled workers entering the economy.

By compiling statistics on HIV infection and macroeconomic indicators, global policy makers hope that leaders of LDCs will become increasingly cognizant of the full devastation wreaked by the AIDS virus onto their societies, and will be more inclined to instigate far-reaching policies in every sector to combat its spread. Further inclusion of civil society actors is also promoted by the new development strategy. Governance in least developed states, while improving, still does not have the capacity to reach all citizens. Civil society organizations, such as churches, mosques, and schools, can do much to bridge this gap and educate societies on the prevention of AIDS. By limiting the reaches of this disease, the UN hopes that the economies of all vulnerable states will be further invigorated, the capacity to govern will grow stronger, and citizens of the LDCs will at last attain a viable standard of living.

By compiling statistics on HIV infection and macroeconomic indicators, global policy makers hope that leaders of LDCs will become increasingly cognizant of the full devastation wreaked by the AIDS virus onto their societies, and will be more inclined to instigate far-reaching policies in every sector to combat its spread.

Further inclusion of civil society actors is also promoted by the new development strategy. Governance in least developed states, while improving, still does not have the capacity to reach all citizens. Civil society organizations, such as churches, mosques, and schools, can do much to bridge this gap and educate societies on the prevention of AIDS. By limiting the reaches of this disease, the UN hopes that the economies of all vulnerable states will be further invigorated, the capacity to govern will grow stronger, and citizens of the LDCs will at last attain a viable standard of living.

The Global Fund calls for new proposals to combat AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria

2006-07-27T22:39:00.000-04:00

By Jackie Jacobsen

MEDIAGLOBAL NEWSWIRE SERVICE
NEW YORK: May 5, 2006 (MEDIAGLOBAL): The Global Fund that finances programmes which aim to prevent and treat global health threats, such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, has launched a plea for new proposals to be submitted for a sixth round of funding.
“The launch of Round Six today allows us to maintain this vital momentum to win the battle against these three pandemics,” said Richard Feachem, executive director of the Global Fund.
The Fund has already provided nearly $2.1 billion dollars to finance 350 programmes in 131 countries throughout the world. The Fund projects that, with the completion of all financed programmes, 1.8 million people will be on anti-retroviral drugs and 109 million bed nets will be donated, significantly decreasing rates of malaria.
New funding for programmes in this latest round will be finalized by November 2006, after the Board of the Global Fund has reviewed all applications and made its final decision. Board Members consist of donor and recipient nations, with developing nations reserving seven seats to represent a variety of regions. NGOs and private sector organizations, such as corporations, are also included on the Board, as the Fund aims to be a fully representative body that can assist vulnerable countries in combating disease.
The international community welcomed the Fund’s announcement that it is seeking new applications for grants, as the original grants issued by the organization in 2000 will soon expire and need to be renewed. This announcement has assured activists and programme managers that the funding will continue, and the fight against tuberculosis, malaria, and HIV/AIDS will continue to draw the attention, and funding, of the international community.
“We know that countries and vulnerable populations are depending on [long-term funding] and we must not fail them,” said Carol Jacobs, chairwoman of Global Fund’s board. “There was a strong agreement that given the commitments made to reach global health targets, and given the urgent needs out there, it would be ethically impossible to not launch round six,” spokesman Jon Liden told Reuters.
The Global Fund was founded in 2000, at the G-8 meeting in Okinawa, Japan. There, leaders conceived the Fund as a body that would attract and direct funding for global health programmes, and would have no role in the actual implementation of services. Policy makers believed the organization would be more effective if it focused solely on providing the finances for global health projects. To date, the Fund has distributed 57% of its money to HIV/AIDS organizations, while 27% goes to anti-malarial programmes.
Peter Piot, the Executive Director of the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, is encouraged by the progress he sees in sub-Saharan Africa . “Young people start later with their first sexual intercourse. Also there’s a reduction in number of partners and condom use has gone up.”
Piot attributes these positive developments to the Global Fund, which has invested heavily in HIV/AIDS programmes. “Billions of dollars have been invested, some say poured, into AIDS programmes in Africa and until now, there were not that many results. Now these results are coming in.”
The Global Fund has struggled lately to find donors to finance these programmes. However, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation has pledged its support of the organization, promising $150 million. Bono has recently launched Product Red with activist and politician Bobby Shriver. Product Red has joined with several prominent companies, which include American Express and Gap, which will market their products while donating 100% of its profits to Global Fund programmes focusing on HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment.
At the moment, only 1% of funding for the Global Fund is provided by the private sector. The United States is the largest single donor to the Fund, providing $1.5 billion and promising another $1 billion in assistance.

Global Disease Goes Beyond AIDS and Tuberculosis

2006-07-27T20:58:00.000-04:00

By Jackie Jacobsen

Mention "global disease," and HIV/AIDS and avian flu are the first illnesses to jump to mind. Growing awareness of the disease and its societal ramifications spurred the international community into action, spending billions of dollars in prevention programs to restrain the spread of the disease, and laboratory research to find a cure for the syndrome. AIDS, along with malaria and tuberculosis, tagged the "Big Three" by development activists and NGO leaders, has received an overwhelming amount of media attention, and programs to eradicate these diseases remain highly funded and highly exposed.
However, smaller, less eminent diseases continue to ravage vulnerable nations in debilitating numbers. Referred to as the "10/90 Gap" by the Global Forum for Health Research, it describes how only 10% of worldwide spending on health research is focused on diseases that affect 90% of the world's population. It is estimated that, in the last 30 years, of the 1556 new medicines were introduced, only 10 could be used to combat diseases prevalent in developing regions.
Yet global health has improved markedly over the past 30 years. Child immunizations have increased dramatically, from 5% in 1977, to 75% in 1990. Life expectancies have continued to climb throughout the globe. New vaccinations for previously untreatable diseases, such as malaria and smallpox, have significantly reduced infection rates. Polio in Latin America, as well as river blindness in Africa, now affect fewer individuals than ever before in history.
Although life expectancy numbers are high, they do not take the "burden of disease" â€“ morbidity, disability, and limited capacity to work â€“ into account. According to GFHR, the burden of disease affects not only stricken individuals but entire economies. While individuals may lose earning power, educational skills, and psychological well-being, national economies will also suffer from losses in production, poorly trained workers, and additional demands on already weak health infrastructure.
"The burden of disease ruins lives and entire communities," writes Bjorn Lomborg, a noted activist. "Nine out of ten deaths from communicable diseases in the developing world are avoidable." Communicable diseases include diarrhea, measles, ringworm, and chagas disease, and claim nearly 15 million lives a year in vulnerable countries, and account for 30% of all deaths in these regions. Diarrhea alone causes the death of nearly 2 million children under the age of 5 in the developing world, with heavy numbers in Africa and Southeast Asia. Most often caused by bacterial toxins in water, this illness is easily preventable through the provision of clean drinking and bathing water. Because bacterial diarrhea does not command headlines and fundraisers to the extent of AIDS and avian flu, medicines and other treatment options have not come flooding in. However, one corporation, Nepo Pharmaceuticals, has announced its plans to bring a new antidiarrheal drug to millions of customers in vulnerable nations.
"The pharmaceutical industry of the future needs to include emerging and developing economies," said Lisa Conte, founder and CEO of Nepo. "We're not going to be able to enjoy the pricing we have in the past." Leaders of developed nations echoed these words at the G8 conference last week, where they encouraged wealthy nations "to enable developing nations without manufacturing capacity in the pharmaceutical sector to import medicines they need."
While treatments for communicable diseases exist, new health threats are emerging for citizens of vulnerable countries. According to a report by the World Health Organization, excessive UV radiation from prolonged exposure to the sun now causes 60,000 deaths worldwide. The WHO also credits air, water, and soil pollution, along with the negative consequences of rapid climate change, with increasing environmental factors that may directly lead to the deterioration of health in vulnerable countries.

Energy Policy and Climate Change

2006-07-19T23:39:00.000-04:00

TOPIC 2: THE IMPACT OF ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLICIES ON OIL DEMAND

Oil dependence has been a persistent concern among both OPEC and non-OPEC states for the past century, as increasing demand for petroleum threatens to deplete current oil reserves, while consumer nations remain concerned that an excessive dependence on other nations could diminish their own sovereignty and limit their capacity in international relations[1]. Oil has remained a decisive factor in the international arena, as nations struggle with balancing demand, supply, and national interests[2].

The oil shocks of 1973, precipitated by a declaration by the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) to cease shipping petroleum to any nation supporting Israel during the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, caused the world economy to come to an abrupt halt[3]. In addition, OAPEC, in an effort to supplement lost revenue due to this stoppage, would charge its remaining customers seven times the price of petroleum[4]. This abrupt shortage in valuable petroleum caused a global economic recession, accompanied by skyrocketing prices for commodities such as gasoline[5]. Consumer nations were politically and economically paralyzed, and unable to rejuvenate their economies without a significant breakthrough with OAPEC[6].

The aftermath of the 1973 oil shock, which would last until March 1974, inspired non-OPEC nations to reevaluate their oil policies and their continued dependence on Arab petroleum. Western European states, as well as the United States and Australia, refocused their policies to oil exploration and energy conservation[7]. OAPEC states were afforded greater diplomatic power as a result of this oil stoppage and its disastrous implications for the world economy[8]. However, OAPEC nations would also recognize that, in order to maintain their rentier economies, they could not afford to cut off vast markets of demand[9].

Despite the attempts of industrialized nations to substantially reduce the amount of petroleum imported from OAPEC nations, many still receive vast majorities of their oil supplies from these nations. However, 50% of the oil imported from the United States comes from the OAPEC region, while 75% of Japan’s oil imports come from the same region[10]. Because a full two-thirds of the world’s oil reserves are located in the Persian Gulf, a sharp decrease in dependency on OPEC states is unlikely[11].

Recent history has underlined the increased importance in discovering alternative sources of energy. Political unrest in the Middle East continues to jeopardize the security of oil reserves in the Persian Gulf, as epitomized by Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990[12]. Civil unrest in the new Iraqi nation has also distressed petroleum investors and IOCs alike[13].

Energy policies, while critically important in global oil dialogues, is not the only force leading to new objectives and perspectives regarding oil policy. Since the 1972 United Nations Conference on Human Environment (UNCHE) in Stockholm, both consumers and producers, represented by a North-South divide, have been aware of growing environmental problems throughout the world[14]. This landmark conference marked the first time member nations from a variety regions converged to discuss environmental issues. At this stage, the South, and oil-producing states, maintained that pollution occurred from industrialization, and therefore was a problem of the West, or consumer nations[15]. This position would not be challenged until twenty years later, at the UN Conference on Environment and Development held in Rio de Janeiro, where the concept of ‘sustainable development’ was first introduced[16]. The lasting contribution of the Rio summit occurred in the paradigm shift of many Southern states, which now shared responsibility with Western industrialized states to conserve energy and curtail pollution[17].

Delegates were also working towards a treaty to create a global solution to the ever-increasing issue of air pollution throughout the world. Due to the exhaustive use of nonrenewable energy in automobiles, factories, and the generation of electricity, carbon levels have been rising precipitously. Leading climatologists believe the increase in ozone and carbon in the atmosphere has led to the piecemeal deterioration of the ozone layer and increasing global temperatures, although this claim is sometimes disputed[18]. Petroleum products overwhelmingly contribute to these emission levels, and have been targeted by policy-makers in their effort to slow climate change.

The first substantive treaty negotiations to prevent radical climate change occurred in the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer, in 1985[19]. After four years of diplomacy and consultation, the resulting treaty recognized the necessity to conduct extensive research on the causes and consequences of ozone depletion[20]. The convention emphasized the need for future protocols and scientific treatment of global warming concerns. As the first international effort to specifically address climate change, the Vienna Convention set an important precedent by acting on an issue that had not been yet scientifically proven. Although few nations ratified this convention, it served as a vital watershed in environmentalism, as it acknowledged a global responsibility to address climate change before it materialized in full form[21].

In 1987, two years after this convention concluded, the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer initiated the first global collective action to prevent further damage to the ozone layer. Declaring that chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and brominated hydrocarbons (halons) were among the most destructive pollutants, participating countries agreed to eliminate the production of these products through gradual reductions over several years[22]. In addition, the protocol encouraged industry to create safer alternatives to CFCs. Since this protocol, there have been five revisions: London (1990), Copenhagen (1992), Vienna (1995), Montreal (1997), and Beijing (1999). These subsequent revisions have set formal dates by which CDCs and halons must be completely phased out. In London, the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol, a program to aide developing nations in meeting the requirements of the protocol by providing financial assistance, was founded[23]. The United States has mirrored the requirements of the Protocol by implementing the Clean Air Act (1990), while the European Union has imposed a strict ban on the production and sale of all CFCs. The Montreal Protocol has been enormously effective, as it has reduced the use of CFCs and halons by 75% over 10 years, and has demonstrated the success of North-South cooperation, as well as preventive measures, in protecting the environment[24].

The successes of the Vienna Convention and the Montreal Protocol signaled a change among global leaders in their perception of global warming. No longer willing to ignore the issue, both North and South recognize the necessity for urgent action to prevent radical climate change. It was amongst this spirit of cooperation and environmental awareness that proceedings for the Kyoto Protocol began its negotiations in 1997[25]. The Kyoto Agreement sought to expand the scope of the Montreal Protocol to curtail all greenhouse gases[26]. This protocol stipulates that developed countries must reduce all greenhouse gas emissions by 5% in 2008, while developing countries have no set reductions. The protocol enables emissions trading, where developed states, if they fail to meet the required reduction, may “purchase” lower emissions from developing states[27]. The protocol also created a program referred to as “Joint Implementation,” that allows countries that have exceeded their emissions limit to invest in environmental programs, such as emissions reduction or removals by sinks, in the developing world. By creating a multilateral emissions trading system, the Kyoto authors hoped to institutionalize mechanisms by which all nations would significantly decrease their carbon emissions, and dramatically improve ozone conditions[28].

As the tenth anniversary of the Kyoto Protocol nears, many difficulties have arisen in its implementation. The U.S., along with Australia, whose support is critical to the success of the protocol, still has not ratified the treaty[29]. Several economists assert that the costs incurred by following the protocol regulations outweigh the benefits of greenhouse gas reduction. The developing world protests that it has not had an adequate voice in the Kyoto negotiations, and therefore will be significantly disfavored by future climate change decisions[30]. Other critics argue that Kyoto measurements (per annum, instead of per emission) will be ineffective in curtailing greenhouse gas production in the long run. In this vein, Kyoto has been accused of focusing too much on short-term achievements, while ignoring longer-term consequences[31].

[1] Choucri, N., & Ferraro, V. (1976). Introduction: Global Energy Transactions. In

     Internationational Politics of Energy Dependence (pp. 3-27)

     [Introduction]. Toronto: Lexington Books.

[2] Stanislaw, J., & Yergin, D. (1993, September/October). Oil: Reopening the Door.

     Foreign Affairs, 72(4), 81. Retrieved July 10, 2006, from ProQuest

     database.

[3] Choucri, N., & Ferraro, V. (1976). Introduction: Global Energy Transactions. In
Internationational Politics of Energy Dependence (pp. 3-27)
[Introduction]. Toronto: Lexington Books.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Worth, T. E., Gray, C. B., & Podesta, J. D. (2003, July/August). The Future of

     Energy Policy. Foreign Affairs, 82(4), 133. Retrieved July 10, 2006, from

     ProQuest database.

[7] Choucri, N., & Ferraro, V. (1976). Introduction: Global Energy Transactions. In
Internationational Politics of Energy Dependence (pp. 3-27)
[Introduction]. Toronto: Lexington Books.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Stanislaw, J., & Yergin, D. (1993, September/October). Oil: Reopening the Door.
Foreign Affairs, 72(4), 81. Retrieved July 10, 2006, from ProQuest
database.

[10] Worth, T. E., Gray, C. B., & Podesta, J. D. (2003, July/August). The Future of
Energy Policy. Foreign Affairs, 82(4), 133. Retrieved July 10, 2006, from
ProQuest database.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Najam, A. (n.d.). Developing Countries and Global Environmental Governance: From

     Contestation to Participation to Engagement. International Environmental

     Agreements, 5, 310. Retrieved July 10, 2006, from ProQuest database.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Haas, P. (1991, June). Policy Responses to Stratospheric Energy Depletion.

     Global Environmental Change, 1, 224-234. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from

     ScienceDirect database.

[19] Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer. (1985). Retrieved July

     18, 2006, from http://www.opcw.org/html/db/cwc/more/ozone_vienna.html

[20] The Vienna Convention. (2004). United Nations Environment Programme: Ozone

     Secretariat. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from http://ozone.unep.org/

     Treaties_and_Ratification/2A_vienna_convention.asp

[21] The Vienna Convention. (2004). United Nations Environment Programme: Ozone
Secretariat. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from http://ozone.unep.org/
Treaties_and_Ratification/2A_vienna_convention.asp

[22] Ko, M. K. W., Sze, N.-D., & Prather, M. J. (1994, February 10). Better

     Protection of the Ozone Layer. Nature, 367, 505-508. Retrieved July 19,

     2006, from ProQuest database.

[23] Welcome to the Web Site of the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the

     Montreal Protocol. (2003). Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the

     Montreal Protocol. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from

     http://www.multilateralfund.org/

[24] French, H. F. (1997, September/October). The lessons of Montreal. World Watch,

     10(5), 2. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from ProQuest database.

[25] Stavins, R. N. (2004, December). Forging a More Effective Global Climate Treaty.

     Environment, 46(10), 22-31. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from ProQuest

     database.

[26] Breidenich, C., Magraw, D., Rowley, A., & Rubin, J. W. (1998, April). The Kyoto

     Protocol to the United Nations framework convention on climate change.

     American Journal of International Law, 92(2), 315-332. Retrieved July

     19, 2006, from ProQuest database.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Breidenich, C., Magraw, D., Rowley, A., & Rubin, J. W. (1998, April). The Kyoto

     Protocol to the United Nations framework convention on climate change.

     American Journal of International Law, 92(2), 315-332. Retrieved July

     19, 2006, from ProQuest database.

[29] Stavins, R. N. (2004, December). Forging a More Effective Global Climate Treaty.
Environment, 46(10), 22-31. Retrieved July 19, 2006, from ProQuest
database.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Ibid.

Currently working on....

2006-07-12T11:45:00.000-04:00

COMMITTEE HISTORY OF THE OPEC-IEA JOINT WORKSHOP

As both industrialized and developing nations come to rely ever more on fossil fuels, and particularly petroleum, there has been tremendous competition for this resource. This competition reached its peak with the oil crisis of 1973, thus paralyzing industrialized countries and impoverishing petroleum-producing nations, as the climbing price of oil deterred many from purchasing the black gold[1]. Oil has continued to dominate international relations, as producers and consumers alike become more environmentally conscious and more concerned about depleting global supply[2].

The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the International Energy Association (IAE) founded its joint workshop, to meet on an annual basis, in 2003[3]. Although various other producer-consumer conferences and workshops had been held by other groups throughout the years, this workshop in Vienna marked the first time OPEC and IEA engaged in dialogue regarding world oil policy and future developments[4].

This series of workshops has a rotating membership, inviting experts and representatives from a variety of specialties within the oil industry to address the workshop. Participants may come from any country affiliated with either the IEA or OPEC, to facilitate greater discussion between producers and consumers of oil. This workshop is focused on increasing dialogue among all interested groups, while assisting the IEA in the authorship of its World Energy Outlook publications. Non-governmental organizations, academics, country representatives, and state officials are charged with the task of easing dependence on petroleum, planning for the future of energy reserves, and enabling the development of alternative energy resources. Workshops are organized thematically, to ensure that each topic is given adequate attention.

Both OPEC and IEA are free to meet with other organizations and conferences in an effort to tackle the most pressing petroleum issues, and regularly do. OPEC works extensively with UNDP and the UN Economic Commission for Europe, while IEA frequently consults with the UNEP and OECD. IEA and OPEC contribute to the International Energy Forum (IEF), headquartered in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia[5]. The IEF has been instrumental in facilitating further progress between industrialized and petroleum-producing countries, and includes 50 nations and international organizations in its efforts to clarify oil market fluctuations[6].

While the international community has welcomed greater cooperation between OPEC and IEA, its record in coming to a satisfactory compromise over pressing petroleum issues has been mixed. “While it is clear from the recent exchanges between the two groups that OPEC and the IEA hold similar views on many topical oil market issues, there are still distinct differences in some areas, stemming from the fact that OPEC’s principal objective is to address the interests of oil-producing, developing countries, while that of the IEA concerns primarily oil-consuming, developed countries.[7]”

Agreement among the negotiating factions appears to be most elusive when discussing the determination of oil prices. OPEC nations maintain that consumer nations, along with international oil companies (IOCs), must undertake greater investment in downstream level of oil production, particularly in refining crude oil and creating cleaner products[8]. Non-OPEC receiving nations contend that OPEC nations must significantly increase the productivity of their oil fields in order to meet the rising demand for fuel[9].

The OPEC-IEA joint workshop has also led to substantial successes in oil negotiation as well. There is a greater understanding of both producers’ and consumers’ needs, which has allowed discussion of energy security, productivity levels, and the development of new energy resources to arrive at a new level of debate[10]. Due to these breakthrough discussions between OPEC and IEA nations, two developments – the creation of the Joint Oil Data Initiative (JODI) and the International Energy Forum (IEFS) – have positively altered international oil diplomacy.

The creation of the International Energy Forum (IEFS) evolved over the course of the 1990s, as producer-consumer dialogue became stronger and more frequent[11]. Yearly conferences of the IEFS generally include more than fifty countries and international organizations, where members gather to present positions on oil market concerns, and foster a sense of greater cooperation between groups[12]. The Secretariat is located in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia[13]. The 10^th International Energy Forum was held in April, 2006, in Qatar. Italy and China co-chaired the event, while 63 countries and 11 international organizations participated in the dialogue[14]. IEFS and its member countries provided the impetus for the creation of the Joint Oil Data Initiative.

Concluding that a major cause of friction between producer countries and consumer countries was the difficulty in obtaining accurate information regarding oil production and oil availability in OPEC nations, OPEC and IEA joined in creating the Joint Oil Data Initiative in 2001, along with five other organizations: the Asia Pacific Energy Research Centre (APERC), the Statistical Office of the European Commission (EuroStat), the International Energy Forum (IEFS), the Latin American Energy Organization (OLADE), and the Energy and Industry Statistics Section of the United Nations Division (UNSD)[15].

The main of objective of the JODI Initiative is to curtail oil price volatility on the global market. Heeding calls from critics that the obscurity of oil production statistics contributes to wild fluctuations in the petroleum market, the initiative asks oil-producing states to publish accurate oil production numbers[16]. Launched in June of 2001, during the 7^th International Energy Forum meeting, the Initiative began with a six-month trial period, in which individual countries would disclose both production and refinery levels for the previous two months[17]. Fifty-five nations submitted full reports on oil productivity. The exercise was deemed a success, as it provided a crucial first step towards greater transparency in oil negotiations[18]. Member countries would give their full assent to the creation of a JODI database, which would track production and demand, as well as the availability of a variety of fuels: Crude oil, LPG (protein and butane), gasoline, kerosene, gas/diesel oil, heavy fuel oil, and total oil[19]. At the fifth JODI conference in 2004, all member countries voted to make the data readily accessible to the public, further strengthening their commitment to greater transparency[20].

The first joint workshop held by OPEC and IEA took place in Vienna, Austria in 2003. The objective of this forum was to contribute to IEA’s World Energy Investment Outlook, to be published later that year[21]. Many positive developments were hailed by members as a solid step towards greater cooperation. Concerns about the capacity of oil reserves in meeting current global demand were assuaged, while the vast increases in technology, both in retrieving oil from a variety of terrains as well as refinery practices, will enable oil costs to remain at a stable level, while the development of oil reserves in non-OPEC countries in regions, such as Russia and the Caspian region, will decrease overall dependency on OPEC reserves[22].

However, there were many investment concerns that arose during this landmark first workshop. Delegates expressed apprehension over the stability of future growth prospects in the oil sector, as government policies and environmental constraints could curtail the current global demand for oil[23]. Also, because of the development of oil reserves outside of traditional OPEC regions, demand for OPEC oil is expected to decrease in the future[24]. In addition, OPEC nations assert that their ability to adequately invest in cleaner, more efficient technologies for extracting and refining oil are severely limited by the lack of financial resources at their disposal[25]. Finally, international oil companies are concerned that access to refineries is still limited by OPEC economies[26].

The Second OPEC-IEA Joint Workshop took place in Paris in 2004. While this conference also focused primarily on investment in the petroleum sector, more emphasis was placed on identifying constraining factors and reaching an understanding on how these challenges could be breached[27]. Reaffirming once more that OPEC reserves are fully capable of meeting global demand for several decades, discussions turned to IOC reservations on future growth prospects and alternative energy demand[28]. The majority of IOCs believe that future oil profits are dependent not on access to new oil reserves and regions, but on technological improvements to refining all forms of crude to usable fuels[29]. Discussion also focused on competition with other energy sources, most notably gasoline and LPG[30].

[1] Belgrave, Robert. “The Uncertainty of Energy Supplies in a Geopolitical Perspective,” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol.61, No. 2. (Spring, 1985), p. 254.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Silva-Calderon, Alvero. “Welcoming Address,” OPEC Review: Energy Economics & Related Issues, Sept 2003, Vol 27, Issue 3, p. 173.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Stanislaw, Joseph A. “Energy Competition or Cooperation: Shifting the Paradigm,” Economic Perspectives, Vol 9, No. 2. May 2004.

[6] Paul E. Simons, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs, U.S. Department of State. “US Energy Security through International Partnerships.” Retrieved 10 July 2006

[7] Dr. Adnan Shihab-Eldin, 18^th World Petroleum Congress, Johannesburg, South Africa, 28 September 2005. Retrieved 3 July 2006.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Paul E. Simons, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business Affairs, U.S. Department of State. “US Energy Security through International Partnerships.” Retrieved 10 July 2006

[12] Ibid.

[13] “Welcome to the Website of the International Energy Forum,” International Energy Forum. Retrieved July 11, 2006 from www.iefs.org.sa/default.aspx

[14] “IEF Overview,” International Energy Forum, 2006. Retrieved July 11, 2006 from http://www.10ief.com.qa/ief/web.nsf/web/overview_ief

[15] Joint Oil Data Initiative: Project on Monthly Oil Statistics, UNSD. (2006). Retrieved July 11, 2006 from http://unstats.un.org/unsd/energy/jodi.htm

[16] Ibid.

[17] “About JODI: The Initiative,” Joint Oil Data Initiative, JODI (2005). Retrieved July 11, 2006 from

www.jodi.org/fileZ/ODTmain.htm

[18] Ibid.

[19] “The JODI World Database: Products,” (2005). Retrieved July 11, 2006 from

www.jodidata.org/filez/ODTmain.htm

[20] “About JODI: The Initiative.” Joint Oil Data Initiative, JODI (2005). Retrieved July 11 2006 from

www.jodi.org/fileZ/ODTmain.htm

[21] “Introduction.” OPEC Review: Energy Economics & Related Issues, Sept 2003, Vol. 27 Issue 3, p.171

[22] Nordine Ait-Laoussine, “Reflections and remarks,” OPEC Review: Energy Economics & Related Issues, Vol 27 Issue 3, p. 171.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid.

[26]

[27] “OPEC’s Welcoming Address,” 2^nd Joint IEA-OPEC Workshop on Oil Investment Prospects, Paris, 28 April 2004. Retrieved July 11, 2006 from http://www.iea.org/Textbase/work/2004/opec/opening_shihab.pdf

[28] Smith, Michael. “Factors affecting investment decisions of international oil companies.” 2^nd Joint IEA/OPEC Workshop on Oil Investment Prospects, IEA News and Events. Retrieved 11 June 2006 from http://www.iea.org/Textbase/work/workshopdetail.asp?WS_ID=187

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

Civil Society and Diminished Capacity of Vulnerable States

2006-06-26T22:50:00.000-04:00

By Jackie Jacobsen

Representatives from least developed countries and the UN gathered on Monday, June 26, 2006 to evaluate the progress made by least developed countries in attaining the goals set out by the Programme of Action, as agreed in Brussels in 2001. The role of civil service organizations was particularly highlighted by leaders and speakers as critical to the overall success of the programme.

“You bring to our deliberations the reality of a world where millions of women, children and men are overwhelmed by poverty and disease,” said General Assembly President Jan Eliasson, addressing the many delegates from the non-profit sector, who had gathered in New York to attend this conference.

The Ten Year Programme of Action, ratified in 2001 in Brussels, declared the primary concern of 49 least developed countries to halve the number of citizens suffering from extreme hunger and poverty in half by 2010. The other five objectives included in this programme included a commitment to develop institutions to cultivate sustainable development, enhance productive capability to better provide for citizens, create economic growth, be more environmentally responsible, and reduce malnutrition. In accomplishing this milestone, the Programme also hopes to integrate the economies of vulnerable countries more fully into the global financial system. The Programme came on the heels of the Paris Programme of Action, which focused exclusively on domestic economic reforms and privatization of major industries.

In a 2003 document assessing the progress of LDCs in meeting these goals, LDC Watch, an official monitor of the Programme of Action, hails the successes of various nations in advancing towards these goals, and calls the attention the areas which need improvement. LDC Watch notes that several African nations, such as Zambia, Malawi, and Guinea-Bissau have created national forums and drafted national policies to further include citizens in policy-making endeavors. In Asia, Bangladesh has eliminated all tuition fees for girls, while the Samoan government has significantly increased its spending on health and education programs. Economically, Sierra Leone is making full use of the USA Africa Growth and Opportunity Act to encourage greater development, while Nepal is committed to fortifying the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation.

However, the authors note that much still needs to be done in order to meet the objectives of the Brussels Programme of Action. LDCs are still in need of more privatization, so that they may devote more resources to social policy. Corruption is still endemic in many vulnerable nations, which limits their capacity to tackle pressing health and education issues. In several states, the economy is simply not strong enough to allow for substantial economic and structural reform. In other areas, most frequently in sub-Saharan Africa, the climate is too political instable to create effective policy.

“Much more is needed if we are to counter the adverse effects of extreme poverty, prevent the marginalization of LDCs from the world economy, and accelerate sustainable economic growth and development in the LDCs,” emphasized Eliasson. Because of the diminished capacity of many vulnerable countries to effectively create and implement policy, it is left to civil society and non-governmental organizations to fill this breach. “Everyone stands to gain when governments, NGOs, and the private sector work together,” said Simon Idohou, Chairman of the LDCs Group and Permanent Representative of the Republic of Benin to the United Nations.

Conference participants agreed that greater cooperation of NGOs and other civil society actors, including individuals and academics, could provide considerable assistance to LDCs in meeting the Brussels Programme objectives and better providing for citizens. Greater CSO involvement has led to less corruption, greater cooperation within political parties and between nations, and stronger support for new policies. “”The unique capacity of civil society to forge grand coalitions that transcend borders needs to be put to the service of the development cause of LDCs,” said Anwarul K. Chowdhury, the UN High Representative for LDCs. “Indeed, civil society, NGOs, and the private sector are already playing a big role, but I encourage greater engagement with the specific needs of the world’s poorest nations.”

Not Just AIDS: Malaria Continues to Ravage Developing Nations

2006-05-02T23:20:00.000-04:00

AIDS often steals headlines as the #1 global killer, but few are aware that malaria kills nearly as many people per year, children accounting for the majority of deaths. Zanzibar, a semi-autonomous island off the coast of Tanzania, proclaimed April 25 to be Africa Malaria Day, in effort to raise awareness and money to eradicate this debilitating disease.
Zanzibar officials assert that, with proper funding and governance, malaria can be eliminated from the African continent, where 90% of malaria cases are reported. Malaria, transmitted by infected mosquitoes, can be prevented with adequate protection, medication, and insecticide netting, which alone has cut child mortality by 63% in malaria.
Malaria continues to ravage rural Africa, where the majority of cases are reported. Rural villagers are more vulnerable to malaria-ridden mosquitoes due to the scarcity of adequate mosquito nets and poor governance, and often must rely on local NGOs and international institutions, like the World Health Organizations, to provide protection from malarial infection.
Several initiatives have been launched to curb the spread of the illness. On April 25, UNICEF moved to bring stronger drugs, such as artesunate and sulfadoxine, to Somalia, where malaria has proved resistant to other anti-malarial prescriptions. Jeffrey Sachs, the development economist, warns that malaria infection rates have actually increased, due to its resilience to new and innovative drugs, and contends that the provision of bed nets is the most effective method for substantially reducing malarial infections throughout the African continent.
“We expect to do residual spray to all homes in Zanzibar by next month and distribute more treated nets. But, this exercise needs money,” said Dr. Salhiya Musin, head of the Preventive Services at the Mnazi Moja Hospital Care and Treatment Centre.
The African Union began a 3-day summit on May 2 to encourage African leaders to undertake “bold, urgent, and extraordinary action” to curtail the staggering effect of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, which has had deplorable effects on economic and social development. The AU hopes to achieve significant drops in infection by offering universal access to medication and services to all African citizens. The AU is also working to fortify its African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as part of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) to battle the diseases which have claimed millions of Africans.
The Zanzibar demonstrations and the UNICEF initiative were overshadowed, however, by a condemning report issued by leading epidemiologists, which accuses the World Bank of withholding vital funds for the campaign against malaria. Scientists accuse World Bank officials of failing to deliver on a promise made in 2000 which would contribute between $300 and $500 million to better global health measures, more available medicine, and more deliverable services.
This criticism comes as the US Agency for International Development is forced to defend the alleged mismanagement of funds in its own Anti-Malaria program. While the US has increased its overall contribution to fighting epidemics in Africa to $15 billion, critics contend that 95% of these funds are spent on consultants, while a mere 5% of these funds are directed towards the distribution of medical supplies and other life-saving commodities.

World Bank Names 9 New LDCs as Eligible for Debt Relief

2006-04-30T15:49:00.000-04:00

The World Bank and International Monetary Fund have issued a joint announcement that 11 new nations have been selected as eligible for debt relief. Nine of these nations are LDCs, seven of which are in Africa. World Bank officials estimate that this latest round of debt relief will free Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) from a crushing debt, totaling $21 billion. The International Development Association of the World Bank, the African Development Fund, and the IMF will all provide the money needed for such large-scale debt cancellation.

The selected countries, which include the Central African Republic, Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, and Haiti, have all satisfied the requirements necessary to qualify for potential debt relief. The IMF requires that nations meet three criteria in order to qualify for debt relief. First, nations must prove that they carry an "unsustainable debt burden," demonstrated by an inability to satisfy loan payments and effectively finance state services simultaneously. Second, eligible nations must demonstrate their ability to implement reform through IMF or World Bank programs. Third, eligible nations must prepare a satisfactory Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. The newly selected countries have satisfied the first requirement, and will work to implement WB and IMF policies over the trial period of three years.

Various factors have contributed to these LDCs' eligibility for debt relief. Years of violent internal conflict have depleted the economies of the Central African Republic, Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, Eritrea, Haiti, and Nepal, while Comoros and Togo have suffered from government instability and corruption, which have paralyzed their economies, which have in turn made these nations prime candidates for inclusion in the HIPC debt relief strategy. Of these nations, only five have yet to begin working with World Bank- and IMF-directed projects.

The second stage, that of implementing World Bank and IMF programs, aim to reduce poverty throughout eligible nations in an effort to diminish the need for future aid after debt relief is secured. This is accomplished through "structural adjustment programs," or macroeconomic reforms designed to minimize state expenses while maximizing citizen earning potential. The international financial institutions encourage states to first cut social expenditures, freeing up more capital for the repayment of loans. The World Bank also advocates more neoliberal economic systems, and urges HIPC nations to privatize major industries, alleviating governments of more costly expenditures and encouraging competition. Finally, the World Bank and IMF hope to establish better governance and anti-corruption mechanisms, to ensure that future financial assistance is used effectively. "When governance systems fail, service provision weakens, corruption increases, and growth is undermined," said Paul Wolfowitz, World Bank President.

Proponents of debt relief have been heartened by the recent successes of the first round of debt cancellation. According to Jubilee Research, African nations receiving debt relief payments have witnessed a significant spike in education policy, which has nearly doubled. Spending on health services and programs has also increased by nearly $300 million, while money directed to military growth, a main worry of anti-debt relief advocates, has not increased to beyond 2% of the GDP.

"Countries will now be able to put more resources into programs that directly help those who need it most - the poor who need better education, better health services and greater access to clean water, for example," said Wolfowitz, in Washington DC on April 21.

However, the World Bank emphasizes the continuing need of foreign economic assistance, in addition to this debt relief program. Countries receiving debt relief are still struggling to finance adequate health and education programs, and do not possess the revenue to fully achieve the Millennium Development Goals. LDCs will still require the assistance of the rich nations in achieving a better standard of living for their citizens for the foreseeable future.

Conflict Kills More Than Soldiers

2006-04-30T15:47:00.000-04:00

We are all familiar with the usual news stories covering conflict throughout the world – the stories detailing bloody battle scenes and troop movements, the tallies of the dead, the political ramifications of a victory or defeat. However, it is the more subtle consequences of ravaging conflict – such as disease, poverty, and hunger – that are often ignored, but are keenly felt by those caught in the crossfire.
Nowhere is this more evident than in the Democratic Republic of Congo, slowly emerging after a 7-year civil war which has killed nearly four million people. Shockingly, it is estimated that 96% of those killed were not victims of violence but of disease, which was exacerbated by the instability and deterioration of available land for farming[1]. This long-standing conflict also accelerated the pollution of streams and water resources, through the breakdown of sanitation systems.
How exactly are these resources destroyed in the midst of conflict? Unbridled interstate violence causes large populations to flee to safer regions, leaving their land uncultivated and their water sources vulnerable to mismanagement and abuse. Often, the evacuating masses find themselves in refugee camps, or smaller villages that are unable to sustain large groups. Land is overcultivated and destroyed, sanitation systems are overloaded or nonexistent, and disease, including dysentery, becomes rampant. As the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) grows, so too does the death rate from otherwise preventable ailments[2].
Hunger also becomes a viable threat in conflict-ridden regions. As civilians are chased from their farms and homesteads, unable to salvage any of their crops as they flee to local refugee shelters, the demand for food escalates in local aid centers. Often, aid groups, ranging from MSF to Save the Children to UN agencies, simply do not have the means to supply the hundreds of starving individuals who depend on them for sustenance. It is estimated that nearly 180,000 refugees have succumbed to hunger in Sudan’s Darfur region[3].
Poverty, disease, and hunger are not limited to locations where conflict is rife, however. State-directed violence often has ripple effects throughout entire regions, because the economy is permanently disrupted and disabled. How? First, notes K.Y. Amoako, UN Under-Secretary-General, conflict destroys capital, a critical component of any functioning economy. Also destroyed are vital infrastructure, such as roads, highways, and vital communication lines, making any sort of economic task, like trade, difficult to accomplish.
Second, violent conflict encourages all investors, both foreign and domestic, to divert their funds outside of the country, a staggering blow to any economy. Without money from investors, corporations cannot produce, consumers cannot purchase products, and the economy is brought to a standstill. This process, known as “capital flight,” is most prevalent on the African continent due to its volatility.
Third, conflict will swallow extraordinary amounts of a country’s GDP. In order to finance tanks, guns, troops, and other military apparatus, it is not unusual for leaders to redirect up to 50% of the GDP to finance these costly military campaigns[4].
Poverty and hunger do not only occur in areas which are beset with violent conflict, however. Corruption is endemic on the African continent, abetted by the autocratic governments which are unaccountable to voters. According to Transparency International, half of the African continent, roughly 420 million people, lives in abject poverty, despite its wealth of natural resources. TI attributes this gaping disparity to the prevalence of corruption in African governments, many of which siphon the proceeds from these resources into their own pockets, depriving their citizens of valuable income[5].

[1] Relief Web. (2006). DRC: Hungry Congolese dying in food-short Katanga camps. Retrieved 19 April 2006, from http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/SODA-6N332Y?OpenDocument.
[2] Global Issues. (2006). Conflicts in Africa: The Democratic Republic of Congo. Retrieved 20 April 2006, from http://www.globalissues.org/Geopolitics/Africa/DRC.asp
[3] 5 Lawmakers Arrested at Darfur Protest, by Andrew Miga, Washington Post, 28 April 2006, from http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/28/AR2006042800893.html.
[4] “The Economic Causes and Consequences of Civil Wars and Unrest in Africa,” by K.Y. Amoako, UN Undersecretary General and Executive Secretary of Economic Commission for Africa, delivered 8 July 1999. Retrieved 20 April 2006, from http://www.uneca.org/eca_resources/speeches/amoako/99/0808es_speech_war.htm.
[5] Transparency International. (2006). Sub-Saharan Africa. Regional Page. Retrieved 20 April 2006, from http://www.transparency.org/regional_pages/africa_middle_east/about/africa .

Andijan

2006-03-11T15:45:00.000-05:00

EU Misses Opportunity to Make Solid step towards the

Creation of a Coherent Foreign Policy

Since the fall of the USSR in 1990, many of the southern former Republics have been overlooked by the global media, as Central Asia was deemed to be among the most remote and irrelevant of regions. This outlook was altered briefly after the attacks of 9/11 and the US-led invasion of Afghanistan, as officials recognized that air bases in the Central Asian republics would be pivotal outposts on this war on terror. However, as the ongoing battles in Afghanistan have all but slipped from the headlines, Central Asian nations have once again slithered under the radar despite the May massacre in Andijan, which The Economist labeled the "worst committed by a government against demonstrators since Tianenmen in 1989." Even the expulsion of American troops by the Uzbek strongman Islam Karimov went largely unnoticed by Western media and its leaders.

Allowing Uzbekistan a free ride on the basis of its obscurity is a mistake made by the entire international community, but especially for the European Union. After the May Andijan massacre, which observers estimate saw the violent deaths of 500 to 1,000 peaceful protesters, Western nations called for the need for an independent UN inquiry, but went no further in condemning the Uzbek regime. The U.S., unwilling to ruffle the feathers of an unfriendly ruler and eager to maintain its air base in Khanabad, stopped short of publicly condemning Karimov's actions. Putin, eager to cultivate closer relations with Uzbekistan, and no fan of peaceful demonstrations in its neighboring republics, remained silent. Thus, the Andijan massacre provided a prime opportunity for the EU to flex its foreign policy muscles and present a united front to the world in castigating Karimov for his abuses. The EU chose to let this opportunity pass.

To be sure, it can be argued that the EU was the sole political entity to impose any punitory measures on Uzbekistan as a rejoinder for its blatant infraction of human rights. However, the sanctions that were eventually imposed on this rogue state were much-delayed by petty infighting amongst key players in the EU, who should have been more focused on transforming these unfortunate events in Uzbekistan into a unifying call for the protection of human rights worldwide, thereby cementing a pillar of future European foreign policy. Instead, what the EU delivered was a dilatory arms embargo on the country, formally approved on 3 October 2005, five months after the massacre.

Initiating a diplomatic campaign against Karimov's abuses could have been an ideal training ground on which to test the EU’s foreign policy legs. Conducting such a campaign posed no real threat to Europe's interests: Uzbekistan's trading partners are its neighbors, Russia, and China, so no economic fallout would have occurred. The chances of Uzbekistan becoming a candidate for EU accession are practically nonexistent, therefore the EU, by demanding democratization, would not have been instigating a wave of immigration that it could not sustain; and, most importantly, tangling with Uzbekistan would have been far less damaging and divisive than engaging in an angry diplomatic war with a larger superpower, as it has thus far with the United States.

This delay, coupled with the dearth of retribution from other nations, only reinforced what Karimov already believed to be true: that the international community would effectively turn a blind eye to all abuses of power in Uzbekistan, because of its perceived unimportance in global affairs. These actions belie a darker truth: Western nations have not yet learned the dangers of ignoring a pariah state, a policy direction which only just recently contributed to rise of the Taliban regime and the pursuant terrorist attacks of 9/11. This also marks a lost opportunity to prove to the skeptical Muslim world that the "Global War on Terror" is not a carte blanche for authoritarian figures to blight legitimate democratic movements, with the tacit support of the developed world.

It is not too late to increase international pressure on Uzbekistan in retaliation of its barbarous attacks on its own people. The OSCE is now conducting an inquiry into the Andijan affair, and the UN has already expressed its misgivings over the recent trials of Uzbeks who are charged with inciting the rebellion. If the EU wishes to be perceived as a key player in international affairs, it would do well to seize this opportunity and demand the observance of human rights in Uzbekistan. Such a galvanizing cry could be the unifying force needed to set European foreign policy on the path of consensus.